- cross-posted to:
- legalnews@lemmy.zip
- cross-posted to:
- legalnews@lemmy.zip
Donald Trump has an enemies list. Not a secret one, either. Itâs actually been published at the official White House website. But he has plenty of enemies beyond that. And ever since his return to office, heâs been engaged in acts of vengeance. Federal agencies have been purged of anyone who isnât a MAGA loyalist. Journalistic entities have been threatened, sued, and â most recently â been placed under the âleadershipâ of people who serve Donald Trump, rather than their actual employers or the journalistic standards theyâre supposed to uphold.
Heâs also gone after a number of law firms whoâve represented people suing Trump and the administration. Heâs also targeted lawyers who represent people he personally doesnât care for, like the FBI agents who investigated the January 6, 2021 insurrection attempt by his supporters.
Mark Zaid has represented a number of clients, including national security whistleblowers during the Obama years. In contrast to Trumpâs opportunistic thuggery, Zaid doesnât have a political ax to grind when he chooses to represent someone in court. All Trump has is political axes in need of grinding. Since he canât fire Zaid directly, heâs doing what he can to make it more difficult for him (and others on the presidentâs neverending shitlist) to represent current and former government employees.
Eisen and Zaid, the lawyers representing the FBI agents, themselves became the target of a presidential memorandum in March that revoked their access to classified material. Both have aggravated Trump for years. Zaid represented a whistleblower who helped bring about Trumpâs first impeachment.
Zaid sued to restore his security clearance in May, in a case that is ongoing. His lawyer, Abbe Lowell, is a high-profile defense attorney who left Winston this spring in order to form his own firm. Lowell said his goal is to represent those âunlawfully and inappropriately targeted.â New York Attorney General Letitia James, who won a fraud judgment against Trump and is now a target of his DOJ, was one of his first clients.
Fortunately for Zaid, heâs one step closer to getting his security clearance restored. DC federal court judge Amir Ali says [PDF] whatâs immediately obvious: the president canât just revoke security clearances simply because he doesnât like a lawyerâs clientele. Thatâs a violation of First Amendment rights and that still doesnât fly here in the US, despite Trumpâs continuous efforts to make every right dependent on loyalty to the president.
Itâs so obviously a violation of rights that even the government doesnât try to rebut Zaidâs main argument. Instead, it tries to argue that the president is pretty much a king and can do whatever he wants when it comes to determining who gets to do what in this nation:
This case involves the governmentâs retribution against a lawyer because he represented whistleblowers and other clients who complained about the government, carried out by summarily canceling the attorneyâs security clearance without any of the process that is afforded to others. In defending its actions, the government does not meaningfully rebut that the decision to deny this attorney the usual process was based on his prior legal work for clients adverse to the government.
The government instead asserts, emphasizes, and repeats that the executive branch has exclusive power to determine who meets the requirements for security clearance. [âŠ] That is well established, but does not answer the question in this case. It is equally well established that the executive branchâs exclusive power to determine who satisfies the eligibility criteria for security clearance does not mean it can conduct that determination however it wants and free from the Constitutionâs limits.
If you need more evidence that this is nothing more than blatantly unconstitutional vindictiveness, youâll find it in Judge Aliâs 39-page opinion. Zaid, who has held a security clearance for the last two decades, first angered Trump in 2019, bringing forward a whistleblower complaint that led to the House filing articles of impeachment. Hereâs how Trump reacted to that:
When Zaidâs representation of the whistleblower became public, the President publicly rebuked him, including by showing Zaidâs photo at a 2019 rally and calling him a âsleazeball.â The President later said: âAnd [the whistleblowerâs] lawyer, who said the worst things possibly two years ago, he should be sued and maybe for treason. Maybe for treason, but he should be sued. His lawyer is a disgrace.â
Hereâs how things were going earlier this year, when Zaid again crossed Trumpâs angry radar:
More recently, in February 2025, Zaid filed a lawsuit against the government on behalf of several Federal Bureau of Investigation employees to protect them from being targeted for work they did investigating the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol. Four days later, a news source reported the President was planning to target Zaid, among others, by revoking his security clearance. The next month, the Director of National Intelligence announced on social media that she had revoked Zaidâs and othersâ security clearances and access to classified information. And on March 22, 2025, the President issued a presidential memorandum to executive agency heads that included Zaid among a list of people for whom access to classified information was âno longer in the national interest.â
The government insisted the administration has the unilateral right to revoke clearances. The court agrees⊠to a point. But when clearances are revoked (or even denied), thereâs a process involved that allows the person on the receiving end of this clearance stripping to appeal or challenge that decision. At the very least, theyâre allowed to ask why. This summary stripping of security clearance from multiple lawyers at one time is obviously a rights violation (due process) that compounds the other alleged rights violation (free speech).
Based on the preliminary injunction record, the court finds the government has not conducted any individualized assessment of Zaidâs eligibility for security clearance. It instead denied Zaid the process and individualized assessment afforded to others because of his prior representation of whistleblowers and other clients in matters that were adverse to the government.
[âŠ]
Because Zaidâs claims all challenge the legality of revoking his security clearance without meaningful process, they go only to the âmethods usedâ to revoke his clearance.
The government pretends this is simply about denying access, which it can do. But it isnât. Itâs about selectively removing access, which isnât really about the security clearance process, but whether or not the government can use the process to engage in retaliatory action against people it doesnât care for.
So it tried this:
As mentioned, the governmentâs principal approach here has been to offer an expansive reading of the cases it likes (Egan and Lee) and to leave out the cases it doesnât (Greenberg and Rattigan).
And ends up with this after Judge Ali parses the cited cases the government really wishes he wouldnât have read so closely:
[E]ven the cases the government selectively quotes from recognize the line between âends and means.
Furthermore, the court practically invites every other lawyer named in the White House memo to get busy suing over their stripped clearances:
The government, second, asks the court to just construe the presidential memorandum as an individualized national security assessment. But the court finds the memorandum was not based on any such assessment. It is undisputed that no government agency conducted an assessment of Zaidâs eligibility for clearance, and the memorandum itself does not purport to make any national security assessmentâin fact, it does not mention national security at all. The memorandum instead directs agencies to summarily revoke Zaidâs clearance based on the ânational interest,â which courts have consistently recognized as distinct from and more nebulous than a particular determination about national security.
Zaid wins, for now. The government has until December 30 to challenge the injunction. If it canât raise a better argument than it has here (and thereâs no reason to believe it can), Zaidâs clearance will be un-revoked on January 13, 2026. And the others who were targeted by the White House memo need to lawyer up and get their clearances back too. Certainly, the administration will try to get the Supreme Court to undo this, but for now, the clock is ticking.
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