xiaohongshu [none/use name]

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Joined 4 months ago
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Cake day: August 1st, 2024

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  • Dengism ended in 1996 with China’s first economic crisis with an unemployment rate never seen before under Mao, and when it joined the WTO in 2001. 2001-2013 was just neoliberalism. That’s when China got rid of the last vestiges of its labor protection (an even worse deal than India’s WTO terms). The number of Chinese students who went to study in the US and other countries exploded after 2001.

    Xi came to power in 2013 and has been trying to steer the country back to Marxism since. You can consider the 13th FYP (2016-2020) as Xi’s first actual term of enacting his preferred version of economic policies. If you’ve been following the news from China from the past 3 years, there has been a concerted push to get rid of the libs, especially during the 20th Congress in 2022. That effort appeared to have failed (I don’t know, just speculating from the recent turn of events). If anything, I consider the end of Zero Covid in December 2022 the first victory for the liberals and they have been turning the tide toward their favor since.

    And if you ask me why China chose to join the WTO in 2001, remember the bombing of Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999 and the Hainan Island incident in early 2001. China was far weaker at the time (and the Tiananmen Square incident in 1989 taught them how stability must prevail at all cost), it was a strategic decision to hug the US economy as tightly as possible under the illusion that the US would not turn hostile toward China if both countries have already been so deeply intertwined (你中有我,我中有你 - you are inside me, and I am inside you). A decision that would have lasting consequences in the decades to come.



  • Egypt’s economy has been in tatters, especially after the US hiked its interest rates. It is already running out of money to import food and fuel. No matter who ends up being the government, accepting Gazan refugees will place further strains on their economy, and it is in their selfish interest to deny Palestinian refugees into the borders.

    Again, when we think about anti-imperialism, it has to come with decolonization, and that requires a complete overhaul of the hegemonic system controlled by the US empire. People keep saying I am obsessed with de-dollarization instead of focusing on the military defeat of the imperialist powers, but really it is difficult to fight imperialism without establishing a new alternative system to accommodate the decolonization process.



  • Wen Tiejun wasn’t wrong in that nationalism/patriotism was behind the driving force of Chinese communism. In fact, nationalism and patriotism are fundamentally rooted in most if not all anti-colonial struggles. Mao Zedong, Fidel Castro, Ho Chi Minh etc. were all patriots first and Fidel and Ho only came to socialism after being denied cooperation with the US. Even Mao preferred the US to Stalin’s USSR at first.

    However, the US isn’t a colony (unless you go way back but that’s irrelevant), it is an imperial power. You cannot compare the nationalist movements in the imperial core to the colonial struggles in the Global South, as the historical development of both forms of patriotic movements were fundamentally different.

    Having said that, it is true that a lot of boomer Chinese communists prefer the social conservative form of MAGA movements to the “white left aka baizuo” liberal movement in the West. I’ve even seen people cheering for Trump because he’s finally going to take down the “woke movement” (觉醒运动). Sometimes it’s that stupid.







  • They’re not rejects, and possibly some of the best students ever produced. I mean, Justin Lin Yifu himself was the first ever Chinese PhD student to have graduated from the Chicago school of economics, and the protege of Theodore Schultz (co-founder of Chicago school with Milton Friedman).

    There are generally three main viewpoints from the liberal economists in China today:

    1. The Global Value Chain (GVC) has developed into such a tightly integrated, globalized system that it would be against the market principles for China to choose not to integrate itself into the GVC of the advanced, developed economies.
    2. China has developed such a huge industrial chain that no other country can possibly decouple itself from the Chinese economy, not even the US itself. This viewpoint may appear as the opposite of the first one, but is actually its obverse following the same interpretation of market principles, and the reason why very few had anticipated Trump’s trade war with China.
    3. China should abandon its outdated “national industrial mentality” (民族工业思维) i.e. its isolationist past, and acknowledge that we live in a globalized economy where liberalization, international cooperation, and market guidance, not self-sufficiency or sovereignty, should drive China’s technological integration with the GVC.

    All of the three viewpoints above are, of course, products of neoliberal ideological indoctrination and I will write more in the future if I have the time, about why many Global South countries who followed these principles made themselves highly vulnerable to Western colonialism.